ICS 1286, (2006) 7-12. "Beyond the Mind-Body Dualism: Psychoanalysis and the Human Body", 6th Delphi International Psychoanalytic Symposium

From Palaeolithic “Venus” up to the Anthropomorphic Statue-Menhir.

Dimitriadis George*
HERAC, Philippi, 640 03 Krinides, Greece
ISSEP, Sardinia, Italy

Abstract. The Human Body as artistic topic nearly appears at the same time with the awakening of human being. Testimony, are the prehistoric paintings and graffiti, than from Upper Paleolithic, fill the caverns wall, cliffs and every imaginable material support, which it could be affected, scratched or colored. To the end of the eighteenth century the malesian archipelago tribes, accused the western missionaries to have carried in their culture not the” notion of spirit” that they already possessed, rather that one of “body”. In fact, for the prehistoric man, the body was not anatomicaly separated and isolated from the rest of the objective and identified world like individual. For they, the body and in particular the feminine body is the center of symbolic irradiation (cf., Cave of Cussac, France 25000 a.C.), that is, the “space” within the signs are gotten thicker cosmic order. The prehistoric mentality, in fact, perceives the human body through the procedures of transformation and trasmutation of the figures. Wanting, to operate in analytical way the “body immaginery” is necessary to group the artistic production made in three layers: 1. Feminine bodies, a tutto tondo, as appear the”Venus”, the “Neolithic Matrone” with great buttocks evidenced and breasts, often embellished with of the signs as V, W, zig-zag, moon scythe, symbols of fecondation, fertility and regeneration; 2. Feminine male bodies o/e, Early Bronze Age Statue-Menhir (cf., III millennium, Lunigiana, Italy) hybrid expression of the neolithic Atlantic megalitism and the Balkan-Danube one; 3. Male and/or feminine bodies as “praying man” type (cf., Nacquane, Valcamonica, Italy), appeared in the Neolithic and perduring until the maturity of the Greek world classic, full loads of movement, freedom and dinamicity.

Keywords: Chalcolithic, Human Body, Prehistoric Art, Prehistoric Mentality, Palaeolithic “Venus”, Statue-Menhir.

1. Introduction

According Merleau-Ponty, inside the labyrinth of embodiment the human body is the only way which we have in order to react with the external world. So, our bodily and qualitative perception permeate thinks and participate in their quality and thanks to that particular relation they can be manifest as bodies [5]. Infact, to perceive and perception indicate the topological tension which regulate the distance between me, intended as body and the real world (thinks). By the way, ogniqualvolta the body “dwelling” world a space/temporal grid installed placing human body in front of its duties. That’s why in L’Homme et l’adversité in Signes (1960), mention about Earth as the matrix of our time and space: every notion constructed in time our pre/history as human beings presented in one single world [10,11].

Prehistoric man dwelling the world! Thanks to that we were able to collect the real essence of the thinks. Thinks that they addressed to him and contemporary open dwells to his glance. His viewpoint is structured as: home itself isn’t the house view by no place, but the house view from all the places. Therefore the think is view from any time and from every place and through out the identical skyline (perception) structure. In this limes condition for the glance, body and w/World are exposed themselves to the original and primitive situation where the body becomes deformed (out of shape) because is in possession by the world!
Every cicatrix is an indelible trace, an oblio obstacle and a sign that restore body as memory. Marking the body, for the primordial societies, means re-design it as the unicum and appropriate space to deposit the tribe mark (Fig.1. Bòbo tribe, Central Africa). This mark signs the passage to the tribe community [8].

With your permission and before search deepest in what am going to name as “archaeology of the body” is useful to explore the identity of the name body by the ancient Greeks. In that time they used the name psyche to denote the unit of the multitude.

In Homer (cap. XI), actually the body is denoted as sôma when is report as cadaver, corpse. In other occasions run the name démas when is report to the body figure or chrìos when is report to the skin and mèlea when indicate parties of the body but especially its possibilities and chance to dwell the world. That’s why Homer was thinking according the prehistoric mentality [3,4] when psyche means eye that see, ear that hear and heart that beat. In conclusion for the Homer times phyche, thymos and noos, aren’t the three qualities of soul, according Plato but body functions. In this case the body is not perceived as res but rather as the expression of a function linked with its location in situ. Now its clear how can be the body permanent open (space possibilities) to the world, in order to collect its wholeness.
Anthropologically we are talking about shamanism and shaman rituals, when body and soul cooperate for specific purposes. Testimony can be found in the rock paintings and engravings (petroglyphs) around the globe. Rock art is the codify way used by prehistoric man to express his ideas. A kind of animate language, made by shadows, crayon and natural glues to communicate emotions and thought: the body acquire symbolic ambivalence in a social context.

2. Geo-philosophy. Keyword for the Prehistoric Art Comprehension

2.1. Deep Ecology concept

The space and the various places inside it can be considered as a topos based on a fit hank of social relations between the actors who carried the space with symbols and significances: it’s necessary to recall the action dimension meanwhile the landscape modelled in order to collect the sense it [13]. Recalling the fragmentary elements of the place we able to read the landscape. Thanks to the “Place” the man and the objects are collocated acquiring value and entity. Discover the “Place”, the fundamental quanta which re-enact the space, means rethink the space according the relations and the inter-relations existed inside it [6].

The relation intensity inside the so-called “transactional spaces” is evidence of the space habitual attendance and it’s functionality. The tribal world maintains constant the ratio between sacred (ceremonial, ancestral, spirits) and civil space. The middle land is occupied by the open-air sanctuaries, which are contemporary dance spaces (sacred choreography), sound spaces (sacred music) and rock art spaces (sacred scripture). The open space in front of human beings eyes as dwelling/wild limited space, food reserve (hunting territory)/migration space and ancestral myth (world)/civilize space [1]. Up to this red common loop the man has tried to understand environmental stimuli, found logic relationships (functionality, dematerialisation of signs) in order to follow the events dynamic and cohabit harmonically. The concept that coming out now is the space production or the space creation: how is organized the space in its internal?
We can distinguish four different typologies of space associated with the human beings who habit it:
1. The Place as superimposition of several units (atelier-couch);
2. The Social space as social relations dynamic shell (Tuareg Illabakan and Peul occupy the same grassland in Niger);

3. The Space as land and culture extension.

3. Archaeology of Human Body

Exploring the prehistoric man forma mentis is clear that the human body vision enter in a community body vision. Therefore a community body isn’t the summa or the vehicle of single bodies (entities) but the place where human beings, symbols, mythological entities, the earth and the sky can express their sense of belonging (sym-bàllein).
Thanks to the circulation of symbols, inside the primitive societies, there is no space for a body splitting between natural and cultural body, because its ritual integrate and compensate. Birth, dead, illness (physical or mental), meteorological phaenomena are transformed in culture events through out shaman formulas and invocations or ludic one as dances and wind songs.
The architectonic language also reflect the permeation between natural world and social group as both are modelled on the human body shape. Indeed, the social links are signed on the landscape with the birth of the anthropomorphic or theriomorphic villages plants. In fact, the disposition of the raw material dwell of the African villages designe the ancestral body of a deity or hero (cf. Fig. 2. Dogon village, Mali.). Sometimes the architectonic structure of the village design the creation, by the sprits action, of natural elements as lakes, rivers, mountains, etc (cf. Oasis Gasfa, Tunisia, [12]).

Exists a fine qualitative difference between the human body and the animal one: the dialectic relationship of the human body with its environment . The human body produce the its space in the world (Welt) carving around itself the environment to live (Um-welt) because is the space where technological issues (tools) can be product. Infact, the palaeolithic tools can be considered as “stone concepts”, from the moment that can link human needs and human thought [9]. Be-in-the-world as human being means simply dwelling the world to produce tools. In this way human beings can overhead their animal condition which desire just to live. With his action reveal the essence of the materials provoking their nature (heraus-fordern), according Heidegger.

4. The Image of Human Body in Prehistory

The myth of gorgòneion tells about Medusa’s face which petrify everyone who desire have a look at her face. Nonoboby knows the real face of Medusa and for this reason is quite difficult to recognize her. Our face is the vaccum of our body which is open into the permanent abyss of cosmos. The vaccum can be filled up only by the delimitation of the face or a possible topography of it... . Perhaps, this is the answer to the absent of human face representations in the upper Palaeolithic era and the strong production of masks. The best evidences are date 14.000 BP in the Magdalenian period from Grotto El Juyo Sanctuary, Cantabria-Spain (cf. Fig.3) formed by a monolith and situated in the cave entrance. The boulder has an irregular shape modelled by natural deep cracks which assembling a theriomorphic face. A natural depression in the right part of the cliff stimulate the curiosità of the prehistoric man and suggest him to carve another one to the left [7]. A lengthwise crack remember the noose and the mouth of the lion (?). Similar evidence was found in the Grotto Hohlenstein-Stadel, Asselfingen, Germany dating about 32.000 B.P. It’s an ivory small shape statue looks like as a “Man-Lion” coming form the awaking of the human spirituality in the Palaeolithic era. Is the prove that humans start exploring their double identity condition: natural and culture one [2].
Many years later a human profile was painted with natural black color (guano) inside the Grotto Fontanet in France, meanwhile in Addaura Grotto, Mt. Pellegrino, Sicily the first human scene engraved (10.000 B.P.).

Already the human body has acquired its aesthetics standards. A mix of dymanicity and freshness called “sociological body immaginery” [14]: from the Palaeolithic “Venus”, to the essential late glacial schematism art of hunters/gatherers-fishers (cf. Fig. 4) called the “rigid nudity” and the Chalcolithic statue-stelae up to the ideological configuration of the human body in Neolithic period impressed on vessels or artefacts.

4. Figures

Fig. 1. Central Africa. Chief of Tribe Bòbo.

Fig. 2. Dogon, Malì. The villane structure is based on the principle of aticulations and connected stones. 1-4 (pelvis and shoulders): four primordial ancestral males; 5-8 (knees and elbows): four primordial ancestral females; 9: primordial order.

Fig. 3. Cueva El Juyo, Spain. 14.000 BP. The theriomorphic stone is situated in the grottos’ entrance.

Fig. 4. Nebra, Museum of Prehistory, Jena- Halle. Female statue, type Gönnersdorf-Nebra.

References

[1] Anati E., Per una antropologia dello spazio in “La Ginestra”, Figure dello Spazio, Franco Angeli, Milano, 2000.
[2] Cassiser Ernst., Philosophy of Symbolic Forms, 2. The Mythic Thought, 1923.
[3] Dimitriadis G., Solar Ships from the Dessert to the Alps, WAC, Washington D.C., USA, 2003a.
[4] Dimitriadis G., Analytic Rock Art: a New Methodological Approach, Jujuy, Argentina (Proceedings forthcoming), 2003b.
[5] Fergnani F., Il corpo vissuto, Il Saggiatore, Milano, 1979.
[6] Fremont F., La region, espace vécu, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1981.
[7] Freeman L.G. – Echegaray J.G., The Magdalenian Site of El Juyo (Cantabria, Spain), BCSP, XXVIII, Capo di Ponte, Italy 1995.
[8] Galimberti U., Il Corpo, Feltrinelli, Milano, 1983.
[9] Gehlen A., Umernsch und Spatkultur. Philosophische Ergebnisse und Aussagen, 1975.
[10] Merleau-Ponty M., L’Hommes et l’adversité in Signes, Paris, 1960.
[11] Merleau-Ponty M., L’oeil et l’esprit, Paris, 1961.
[12] Pâques V., L’arbre cosmique dans la pensée populaire et dans la vie quotidienns du nord-ovest africain, Paris, 1964.
[13] Peirce M. – Lewis M., “The Reinvention of Cultural Geography”, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 1979.
[14] Schilder P., The Image and Apparence of the Human Body, 1935.


* Corresponding author. Tel./fax: +39 331 6347789.
E-mail address: gdimitriadis@herac.gr

ARTRISK INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON NATURAL HAZARDS AND HERITAGE PROTECTION

Publishing in ARKEOS 2006:16, 45-61.

Assessing natural and human hazards on Greek rock art

Dimitriadis George

HERAC, Philippi-Greece gdimitriadis@herac.gr

Keywords: Environmental Policy, Greek Rock Art, Hazards.
Abstract. In Greece rock art studies are a young discipline carried out by HERAC (Hellenic Rock Art Centre), based at Philippi. In the last years the international scientific community focus it’s attention to assess natural and human hazards effects on rock art. In fact Greek rock art heritage is exposed in natural and human hazards: so, one of the main activities of the institute is the documentation, protection and promotion of the rock art sites. In the present paper we focus our attention in the area of Philippi, where a good concentration of rock surfaces are engraved. From the moment that is a preliminary study (there is no risk study concerning Hellenic rock art all the assumptions proposed now must be considered temporary. In the specific, as coming out, the impact of natural hazards in the area is minimum. In the same time the human activity, intending as industry pressing is quite inexistence because Philippi’s plain sustainable by agriculture. If any kind of pollution exists, that’s attesting from the use of chemical product in the cultivations. The real risk is probably coming out from the ignorance of rock art present in the area (where a small number of the indigenous are shepherds and the engraved rocks are into the pastures lands) and the “gold fever” common obsession of inhabitants from ancient Hellenic period is still alive (they believe that the engraved figures can indicate the place here a treasure is head. HERAC, it’s start promoting a sensibility campaign near the local rural society, which starts recognise rock art as a community good worthy to be preserved and protected. In the mean time HERAC is planning to submit an environmental policy project near municipality and regional authorities in conclusion of the present study.

0. Ground

The Hellenic rock art as coming out the last years from an accurate documentation by Hellenic Rock Art Centre (cf. Dimitriadis 1997; 1999a,b,d; 2002f; 2004m) necessity to be immediately protected and monitored because frequently subject of natural and in particular way human hazards risks.

Indeed, until the last five year the rock art was not considering as an archaeological manifestation by the Greek archaeologists. The reasons can be detected in the absent of a specific specialization, as most of them are attractive by classic archaeology. It’s comprehensive! But, in Greece long archaeological time frames aren’t well document. In fact, we have no good burial/settlement evidences regarding EBA period, because no excavations were stimulated in the past. Exception the last work of Γραμμένος (1997)[1] where the well know Neolithic site of Demetra can be reconsidered as rethinking of the past theoretical and field excavation reports (also cf. Παπαδόπουλος 2002)[2].

1. Mythologic and Historical remarks

If it is true, that we cannot said to be profoundly known a civilization if we are not aware of its historical route including all the probable relations, then we can assert that in the Greek history something is missing: the creative expression of the Greek periphery. At the margin of the Greek territory roams also the Edoni Thracians, a cluster of warlike tribe, who were occupying the lands that strecthing between Strymon and Nestos rivers and from the cape of Paggeo Mount to the mountain chain of Rodopi towards North‑Est.

The straight relationship with the Greeks was probably already know from the XIV sec. a.C., lending faith to the transcription thre‑ke‑vi/ja that in the Linear B scripture it means Thrace. Many Greek words in the Linear B texts are also attested in the territory of Thrace. Many proper names and place names known in Thrace, such as Agrianes, Dyme, Nestos, river Skaios, exist in southern Greece too, has not only limited to introduce the figure of Dionysos into the pantheon of Olympus and the use of the Greek words from the Edoni, but it has been cristallized in the myth and tail of Thrace-Horsemen whose became the guardian of the border, Akritas, in Byzantine time. On the rocks that are found 2 km., to Levant, near the historical city of Philippi, where the destiny of Roman Empire, changed in the battle of the 42 a. C, we follow the birth and the military life of the Thracian Heroe‑knight that in passing of the time, is mixed with Christian and Muslim elements in a dynamic process of magical‑religious transformation.

In Greek mythology Thrace was the daughter of Oceanus and Parthenope, sister of Europe. She was also stepsister of Asia and Libya, from Oceanus's union with Pompholyge. To Zeus she bore Bithy, to Kronos she bore Dolongos, to Obriareos she bore Trieres and to Ares she bore Ismaros. Thus the Bythinians, the Dolongi and the Trieres were of Thracian origin. The Thracians to were an Indo-European people and to were related to the Greeks. The Getic tribes, who dwelt between Haimos and Carpathians, linked them with the Germanic-Scandinavian peoples. There to are frequent allusions through people and myths to the close relations between Greeks and Thracians. Many common elements contributed to the formation of the religion, theology and poetry of the ancient Greeks. It is impossible to estimate the Thracians' contribution to the shaping of ancient Greek mythology and religion, since they had not script and didn’t leave texts. On the other hand, the Greeks always placed the appearance of gods, cults and mythical persons in making-off regions and mysterious lands of the North and the East. Thus it is more than plausible that the Greeks beliefs and myths were adopted by the Thracians and that the whole cosmos of Greek mythology referring to it is to purely Greek creation. Indeed, after the reading in the Mycenaean, Linear B, tablets of the name Dionysos, a god considered to be of Thracian or Asia Minor origin, this viewpoint is bolstered further. Some deities at first unknown to the Greeks, later took their places in the Hellenic pantheon. Thracians worshipped Zeus, Hera, Apollo, Artemis, Hermes, Ares, Dionysos, Asklepios, Cybele, Sabazios, Bendis, Herakles, the Nymphs and other divinities. Herodotus mentions that the Thracians revered the gods Ares, Dionysos and Artemis and that their kings venerated Hermes above all others, swearing oaths only in his name and claiming descent from him. The god of war was Ares: from the first Iron age was represented under the shape of an vertical sword or as a young knight hunting. Next to him, are often rappresented dogs, game or snakes. These are the iconographic symbol of kyrios, Lord, soter, Saviour, iatros, Healer. At the same time the cult of the sun in opened places was practised, above all near coves and sources.

In Roman times, was the worship of the Thracian Horseman-Hero widespread in Thrace and his name is mentioned in votive inscriptions. Indeed, around this figure of the Horsemen Thrace we can search the origin of the Thracian nations who thought the horse as incarnation of the divine power. He is usually invoked as Hero or Lord and is frequently and variously identified with Apollo, Zeus, Asklepios, Dionysos and Ares. Many Thracian epithets of the deity are known, indicative of places of worship and of other attributes, such as Auloneites, Zindoumenos, Karabasmos, Saldenos and others. Illustrated on reliefs as a horseman in hunting scenes, he symbolizes the rebirth of Nature, yet it is also connected with the Underworld. The presence of altars, trees, snakes, boars and dogs in representations of the god, as well as common qualities, has led to the suggestion that he is the Thracian king Rhesos, who was made a hero after his death at Troy and subsequently deified and worshipped on the peaks of Rhodopi. Philostratus mentions that wild animals, boar and deer, made their way to his altar of their own accord, in order to be sacrificed. Sanctuaries of the Horseman-Hero have been also located on the summits of Ismaro and Rhodopi, and votive offerings of the faithful, such as bronze figurines of the god, embossed plaques and numerous pointed-bottom amphoras have been found, presumably associated with ritual observances in his honour. Another deity to respect was Bendis, the lunar goddess who carries light and she was represented riding carrying bow and arrows, later become Artemis, put in relationship with the Nymphs and Asclepio.
Dionysus, son of Zeus, was associated orgy and oracle rituals. The worship of Dionysus is held a special place in the Thracian pantheon. The god’s close relationship with Thrace is revealed in the Homeric myth concerning the King of the Hedones, Lykourgos, who was his enemy, and in the punishment of Orpheus who preferred Apollo to Dionysus. There was a sanctuary of Dionysus in the land of the Satres where, according to Herodotus, the Bessi were prophets: the Bessi, clan of the Satrae, are the prophets of the Shrine. Alexander the Great visited this sanctuary. Among its priests was Boulogaises, who led the Bessi in rebellion in 13 b. C. The worship of Dionysus was also identified with the worship of Sabazios, a Phrygian god who symbolized the death and resurrection of Nature. Sabazios had also been identified with the god of the Underworld, Pluto, while his daughter Bendis was identified with Persephone.

2. Location‑Geomorphology

The rock art site of Seliani, Mynicipality of Philippi, is situated at the Province of Kavala, explored, found and catalogued in 1998. The site is a hill, in a dominant position, overlooking the valley from an altitude of 200 meters and control the landscape from East and South. The exact geographic coordinates are 40°19' N and 23°29' W. The geo-morphological analysis of the territory, dates back to the Pleistocene and Hοlocene is characterized by alluvial younger fills. Substantially, the climate in Greece remains almost unalterable after the 7000 B.C. without enormous fluctuations. The mountain is composed mainly of good quality marble.

2.1. Population‑ Prehistoric roots of communication ‑Settlements

Homer, frequently mentions Thrace territory like the horse­-rearing Thrace, mother of sheeps and the Thracians who wear the long hair at the top like the snow‑capped mountains of the Thracians. The native land of Borea, the wind of the north, flood of contrasts, rich of game, gold mines and silver was the territory of the warlike tribe of the Hedones. Euripides describes them as dysmachotatoi, extremely hard to fight. Some tribes had the reputation of being brigands, such as the Bessi who lived in the Haimos Mountains. Thucydides (VII, xxix, 4) writes about: For the Thracian race like the worst barbarians, is most bloodthirsty when it has nothing to fear.
However, there were Thracians who abstained from drink and were peaceable, frugal and just, indeed some lived a celibate life and ate no meat, only milk, cheese, honey and plants. Homer describes them as noble or virtuous, milk‑eaters, poor and righteous. Menander mentions that polygamy was practised in Thrace. Most men had more than ten wives, in order to father many children. He who had fewer wives was considered unfortunate in the eyes of his peers, as if he had not married at all. The father had the right to sell his children or to barter them for various goods. There were no sexual restrictions on unmarried women but after wedlock they were kept under strict control. The commercial sale men and children explain the abundance of Thracian slaves, servants and concubines, not only in Athens but also in other parts of Greece. The Trace populations were considered excellent archers and used the reflected arch. Their weapons were the javelin, small shield, pelte, and dagger. They also used two javelins hurled in sequence, recoverable, in the case of missed targets, thanks to the long ropes of leather attached to the javelins. This technical is known from Il sec. a. C. They used wide Mycenae swords and from the III sec. a. C. were replaced from the Celtic ones. The Hedones carried long hats and their everyday clothes were coarse and heavy, sewn from animal hides or thick fabrics. Many textiles were woven from hemp and resembled linen. Herodotus describes the armour of the Thracians, which consisted of a fox‑skin helmet, a tunic, a long coat, zeiras, and doeskin sandals fastened high up the ankles. An Attic vase from Gela (450 b. C.), depicting Orpheus with four Thracians, gives idea of the Thracian custom. The fox‑skin cap and high sandals were mainly worn in winter and on military campaigns. Still today this custom persists, during some religious recurrences, a long black goat is worn, with which cover is conically shaped. Tattooing was a usual phenomenon, being a sign of noble birth.

Excavations (Romiopoulou, 1961) have carried to the light pieces of pottery, supporting the theory of a connection between the islands of northern Aegean with Yugoslavia and north Europe crossing Thrace, through the prehistoric settlement Adissara (Αντισσάρα) to Philippi. Among the other EHA monuments known, especially in the mountainous regions, are open‑air sanctuaries, the rock carvings, the rock‑cut tombs and the rocks with hewn niches, hollows, cavities and altars. The rock carvings, of human figures and other symbols at Roussa (Ρούσσα) and animals at Kirki (Κύρκη) probably had magical or apotropaic significance [Fig.1]. The engraves forms various shapes, reminiscent of constellations in the sky, including the Great Bear. The summits of rocky crags where there is a concentration of rock-hewn structures ‑niches, basins, altars, discs etc.‑ have been characterized as open‑air sanctuaries.

3. Philippi environment

The plain of Philippi [Fig.2] is delimited north-eastwards by the fringes of Λεκάνη (Lekani) range Mountains (altitude 1296m), westwards by Φαλακρό Όρος (Falakro Mountain, alt. 2232m) and southwards by Παγγαίο Όρος (Paggaeo Mountain alt. 1956m) and Σύμβολο Όρος (Symvolo Mountain, alt. 694m). Symvolo mountain comes in between Τενάγη (Shoals) and Aegean Sea. The only natural water escape towards the sea is northwest between Paggaeo and Falakro in Συμβολή (Symvoli) site where Αγγίτης (Aggitis) the Στρυμόνας (Strymon’s) tributary discharges itself. The fertile soil of the plain [known since the ancient years by the name Δάτο (Dato)] consists of Holocene deposits, red lands, humid or peaty soils of low areas as well as loamy, sandy and gravel soils (acid with brown red horizon) and various igneous rocks (granite, siderite, diorite etc.). In the area there is also plenty marble been used in ancient years for the erection of Philippi town walls and buildings. The location Σκαπτή Ύλη (Skapti Ili) nearby Philippi was also known during the archaic and classic era because of the gold, silver and iron deposits.
According to Theophrastus (4.14.12, 16.2‑3, 8.8.7, 6.6.4) white willows, platens, hundred leaves roses, oaks were throve in the area and firs at the highlands. As it regards the fauna, it was composed of dears, wart hogs, wolves, hares, wild gooses, storks, wild pigeons and hawks as the rock engraves show.

4. Rock art of Philippi

4.1. Analysis of figurative and possible interpretations

Φ/Πρ. Ηλίας, Β.1: I record two knights of contrasting different styles. Cavalier of foglio1 is deeply of large dimensions. Knight, of foglio2 is smallest, but his equipment is full of weapons. Artistic comparisons of the figure indicate affinity with the Skythian and Celtic world. Both surfaces include small animal figures. Here we have in synthesis the story of the entire site: a bow traced on
the body of an ox in relation to an anthropomorphic from which head come out a flux of energy. The scene is completed from a cuckold snake, chthonic symbol, of immortality and fertility. Uniforms from fractures two bow, are pin from cup-marks complex, having opposite direction (rare representation). The Φ.Β.1γ/foglio2 introduces a horse encircled from small cup-marks and an arch like those on foglio 1 and two axes, one small and one large, been born from the same grip but in opposite direction. It’s clearly that R1 is the sacred altar, (in mythology the heroes in order to acquire the immortality must die) after the vision of the cliffs Β.3 and Β.2, to the Cavalier‑Hero‑God‑Thrace.

Φ/Πρ. Ηλίας, Β.2: In this cliff finds one exemplary variety of animals like cuckold birds, foxes, also cuckold, dogs, the complete head of a wild boar, a deer and horses engraved with both techniques. The central scene represents a ghost with wings feeding a long harpoon .

Φ/Πρ.Ηλίας, Β.3: I have divided the rock in three panels A, B and C [Fig.3]. Starting, from the field A, the look focus to the anthropomorphic axe and bow‑arrow which are pointers of his identity, which it observes the trajectory of a body towards the armed ghost of launch bound together with erected axe-sword of forehead to it. At the extreme left of the scene another bow‑arrow, recorded smooth, tip towards the adjacent cavity from which it is emanated a cascade swarm of energy. In section B the thematic interest it is grouped in three scenes: 1) animals (horses) bound together with bow‑arrow; 2) natural groove cross made on five cup-marks finishes to bow‑arrow bound together to an stylized bird; in proximity cup marks complex indicates the time of the events; 3) ghost‑knight in motion towards a solar symbol (disk with external rays, like a rayed sun); an anthropomorphic snake, Echnida, it rides one launch; a ghost that finishes in an bow‑arrow bound together with axe and cup-mark.

4.2. Statistical analysis

In the area of Prophet Helia in spite of a short number of rocks we have a relative significative concentration of engravings, about 300 motifs. In percent we can say that the most engraved figure are implements and schematic anthropomorphic figures (50%), animals (45%) and lastly the Horsemen (5%).

4.3. Method of recording and Rock art

The fieldwork was carried out in several phases:
1) Exploration and photography of the site in order to pick up useful data to reconstruct the environment and the human activity. The greater part of the territory is full of galleries for the exportation of iron minerals in function until the past century and the surfacing of darkish vessel attesting the rural activity presence from Hellenistic to Roman time.

2) Cleaning of the surface has been made according neutral method.
3) Photography of the rocks, in order to define the state of conservation/deterioration.
4) application of two recording methods: frottage technique and tracing on polyethylene. The analysis of engraving techniques reveals: a hard pecking and another fine one.

In the area of Philippi we have concentred two different rock art sites. The first site (the only one inclined cliff), called Μάνα (Mana)[3], is collocated in the North of the Philippi parish[4], nearby a water spring. The rock engravings are collocated in the upper part of the rock surface. In this case the water level, even if the water flux becomes abundant, remains under the latest engrave motive. The most prominent figure is a horse rider wearing reticulate pattern armour [Fig.4]. Nearby some Arabic influence pattern swords appears which permits us to estimate probably from the Byzantine period. The second one is collocated in a natural amphitheatre where three cliffs are well exposit in the sun. The total number of the engraved figures amount over 300 single petroglyphs. The site is called Prophet Helias, cause an small rural chapel, in the top of the hill, dedicated to that holly men. Is interesting also, notice, that in the same site a Muslim religious group, named Bektasides, found its cult in east Medieval time. Most of the figures are engraves by pecking the marble surface and the rest are filiformi. In this small rocky group the dominant image is the figure of horsemen, that alludes to the deity of culture Thracian horsemen hero.

5. Natural and Human hazards on Greek rock art

To detect better and in detail the impact of natural and human hazards in the rock art of Prophet Elias site where a good concentration of engraved rocks are presented I proceed in the analysis of the seismic, temperature, rainfall and fires data[5] as follow [Fig.5].

5.1. Seismic data

The seismic activity in the region of Kavala, is very low. The area is registries as II risk zone (cf. Table I).

5.2. Temperature data

The medium temperature (med.) as can be controlled oscillates between min. 4.3° C. in Genuary (IA) and max. 25.2° C. in Juny (IN) /July (IΛ).

5.3. Fire Data

From the air photography/maps of the Philippi’s rock art ecomuseum[6] we can observe the now day’s vegetation and plant low distribution. In fact, the absent of wood and the arid zone where the cliffs with rock art are insert allowed us to the conclusion that there is no fire risk in the area.

5.4. Pluviometric and wind data

In 1990 statistics the rainfall data oscillates between 5.9 mm in August and 73.2 mm in December. In 1960 in the same period the rainfall statistic data report 8.9 mm (August) and 110.3 mm (December). That means minus 3.00 mm in summer time and 27.1 mm in winter. The winds activity intensity oscillates between 6-8 Beaufort and consequently the disaster are inexistent.

5.5. Air/Water Industry Pollution

The absent of heavy or light industry activity in the area reduce the air pollution into the follow categories: 1) animals and human sewages and 2) agriculture pesticides.

Conclusions

The investigation and study of the Early Iron Age monuments findings are particularly important for the territory of Eastern Macedonian and Thrace because continually expands our knowledge of the period which, lacking of written sources, is essentially prehistoric. The movement, the dispersal, the fusion, the fission and the installation of the Thracian tribes, the formation of their religion and mythology, their economic and cultural development, as well as their level of civilization are all issues which have absorbed scholarship for many years, since the fragmentary information in the ancient authors cannot fill the great gaps. From the exposition is evident that Philippi’s site is an open air sanctuary of Hedones Thracians where Heroe‑Knight is celebrated (cultures heroes). The morphology of the site, that acts as a “mental camera”, in relationship with the described reading, enable us to make the ipothesis of an organized group in transition between the final Bronze Age and the initial Iron Age.

Although new sites are discovered contisnuously, just as many more are constantly endangered or destroyed (Bertilsson 2003). As the Capter 5 demonstrate there is no pollution allarm regarding the rock art sites of Philippi. Of course that’s no allowed us no monitorate and no apply a pollution project for every evenient.

Essential References

1997 Γραμμένος Β. Δ., Νεολιθική Μακεδονία, ΤΑΠΑ, Αθήνα.
1997 Dimitriadis G., L’arte rupestre ellenica: nuove prospettive, Valcamonica Symposium, Iseo, Italy.
1999 a. Dimitriadis G., L’arte rupestre ellenica: nuove prospettive, BCSP, 31-32.
1999 b. Dimitriadis G., Alla periferia della grecità: l’arte rupestre degli Edoni Traci, Valcamonica Symposium, Darfo-Boario Terme, Italy.
1999d. Dimitriadis G., Rock Art in “Seliani-Mesorema, Philippi. A Century”, editor Philippi’s Culture Association.
2002 Hellenic Seismic Planning
2002 f. Dimitriadis G., Ecomuseum of Philippi. The Holy Sanctuary of Hedones Thracians (poster), 8th EAA Congress, Thessaloniki, Greece.
2002 Παπαδόπουλος Σ., Η μετάβαση απο την Νεολιθική εποχή στην εποχή του Χαλκού στην Ανατολική Μακεδονία, ΤΑΠΑ, Αθήνα.
2003 Bertilsson Ulf, Rock Art at Risk, CAR-ICOMOS2004 m. Dimitriadis G., Arte Rupestre Ellenica: Novità e Confronti. Approfondimenti nel Centro e NordEst dell’Egeo attraverso l’archeologia cognitiva, XXVII Valcamonica Symposium, Darfo-Boario Terme, Italy.

Figures

[Fig.1]. Rousses, Thrace-Greece.

[Fig.2]. Geological Map. Site Philippi-Greece

[Fig.3]. Key-figure. Φ/Πρ. Ηλίας, Β.3.

[Fig.4]. Horse-rider. Φ/Μάνα, Β.1.

[Fig.5]. Seismic Map of Greece.

NOTES

[1] Γραμμένος Β. Δ., Νεολιθική Μακεδονία, ΤΑΠΑ, Αθήνα, 1997.
[2] Παπαδόπουλος Σ., Η μετάβαση απο την Νεολιθική εποχή στην εποχή του Χαλκού στην Ανατολική Μακεδονία, ΤΑΠΑ, Αθήνα, 2002.
[3] In the local Turkish idiomatic vocabulary means “spring”.
[4] The estimation of inhabitants in Philippi parish (2001) was 896 families.
[5] Note that there is no official data and documents regarding rock art risk in Greece, so the present paper is fully pioneer. Any mistakes and wrong considerations must be taken with the possibility of reviewing as our research become more accurate.
[6] My warm acknowledgements are directed to the staff of the Technical chamber of Philippi’s municipality for the assistant held.

ISCRIZIONI APOTROPAICHE SU AFFRESCHI VOTIVI DEL TARDO MEDIOEVO A BRESCIA. PARTE I: LA CHIESA DI SANTO STEFANO A ROVATO

Pubblicato in Storiadelmondo n. 47, 4 giugno

http://www.storiadelmondo.com/47/dimitriadis-massetti.iscrizioni.pdf›

GIORGIO DIMITRIADIS - GIANFRANCO MASSETTI

LE RAGIONI DELLA RICERCA

Nel corso dei lavori eseguiti nella prima metà del XX secolo all’interno dell’antica chiesa campestre di Santo Stefano a Rovato[1], ai piedi dello sperone collinare del monte Orfano, sono ricomparsi lungo le pareti perimetrali un gran numero di affreschi votivi di buona fattura, che uno spesso strato di calce ricopriva dai tempi della peste del 1630. Tali affreschi risalgono per lo più alla seconda metà del quattrocento e lasciano trapelare per la loro esecuzione delle motivazioni di carattere votivo. Una singolarità che si riscontra è inoltre la presenza su di essi di incisioni graffite o di iscrizioni di poco posteriori, in genere, all’esecuzione degli stessi. Segni, sigle, note, nomi di persona, date, simboli sacri e taumaturgici o addirittura semplici scalfitture ci indirizzano così verso una loro interpretazione non convenzionale, che privilegia il tema della devozione in termini di pratica superstiziosa.
La nostra ricerca sarà centrata sulla necessità di far emergere questo significato ed il rapporto simbiotico che intercorre tra graffito - segno ed affresco votivo. E’ infatti nostra convinzione che la collocazione delle iscrizioni non avvenga mai casualmente e che queste rimandino in numerosi casi a forme di esorcismo o a particolari richieste di protezione, legate soprattutto alle qualità taumaturgiche del soggetto su cui vengono riportate.

LA CHIESA DI SANTO STEFANO[2]

STRUTTURA ARCHITETTONICA[3] E DATAZIONE

La pianta della chiesa di santo Stefano presenta un’abside semicircolare realizzata in muratura grossolana con ciottoli alternati a conci e mattoni in ordine sparso tenuti insieme da malta. Il modello costruttivo al quale si rifà è quello delle strutture architettoniche sorte attorno all’XI-XII secolo nella pianura bresciana. Esternamente l’abside risulta decorata da un motivo ornamentale con denti di sega in cotto, che probabilmente sovrastava una serie di archetti. Al centro del perimetro esterno è del resto ancora visibile una monofora quadrata piuttosto bassa e con larga strombatura liscia, che attualmente è però sigillata. Una simile apertura si riscontra anche nel muro esterno della navata settentrionale, mentre dall’analisi delle pareti divisorie interne, si presume che la chiesa, fino al XV secolo, presentasse un’unica navata. In complesso, l’edificio anche se risulta inscritto, come si è detto, in un periodo architettonico ben definito, presenta delle anomalie strutturali, come ad esempio gli archi acuti con imposta molto bassa (questi consentono di anticipare la datazione della chiesa a prima del trecento), oppure come le arcate cieche sulla parete esterna della navata meridionale.
Secondo la storiografia locale, la chiesa di Santo Stefano [Fig. 1] fu fondata in epoca pre-longobarda[4] e più precisamente nei secoli V-VI d.C., lungo un diverticolo dell’itinerario Burdigalense, che conduceva i pellegrini da Bordeaux alla Terra Santa. In origine, la chiesa era forse un ospizio per viandanti, ma di questa funzione si sa veramente poco, in quanto gli affreschi attualmente visibili risalgono al XV-XVI secolo e sono dunque posteriori all’epoca dei grandi pellegrinaggi verso Gerusalemme.

A cavallo degli anni 1440-1450, pare che la chiesa sia stata modificata nell’edificio di culto a tre navate che oggi vediamo. La navata centrale termina con l’abside semicircolare larga; la navata settentrionale è divisa da quella centrale da una serie di tre archi a sesto acuto, mentre quella meridionale è separata da un solo grande arco. Sembra che la data ante quem relativa alla realizzazione della navata meridionale possa essere stabilita grazie al graffito dell’affresco del pilastro di sinistra del grande arco laterale, che riporta il nome di Antonio Paitoni e la data del 1461[5]. Dalla presenza di affreschi che ritraggono i santi diaconi Lorenzo e Stefano, cui la chiesa è dedicata, apprendiamo inoltre che in origine l’edifico sacro fu presumibilmente adibito a diaconia[6].
Al tempo della visita di san Carlo Borromeo, nel 1580, l’edificio, infine, si presenta con due navate, tre altari e una cappella con volte a vela di dimensioni abbastanza ampie. Qui alla data del 6 ottobre di quell’anno il cardinale di Milano consegnerà la veste talare a Federico Borromeo suo cugino[7].

DESCRIZIONE GENERALE DEGLI AFFRESCHI

Di ottima fattura, gli affreschi della calotta absidale presentano un Cristo Pantocrator inscritto in una mandorla policroma dai colori dell’iride. La figura di Gesù è circondata dai rimandi simbolici dei quattro evangelisti (l’aquila, il leone, il bue e l’angelo che stanno rispettivamente per Giovanni, Marco, Luca e Matteo). Come sfondo al Cristo Pantocrator abbiamo anche un paesaggio naturalistico che ritrae verosimilmente il monte Orfano con il convento dell’Annunciata ed uno squarcio del lago d’Iseo[8].
Nel registro inferiore, si notano, a sinistra, il processo di santo Stefano davanti al Sinedrio e la rappresentazione del suo martirio, al centro, una crocifissione e, a destra, un’Ultima Cena.
Nei sottarchi affrescati sono invece inserite delle figure di profeti e sibille avvolte da cartigli e ghirigori di gusto goticheggiante, contemporanei agli affreschi presenti in altre chiese bresciane. Tali figure fanno capo alla scuola di un maestro non bene identificabile, ma di sicuro operante verso la fine del XV secolo, in un’epoca di trapasso dallo stile gotico a quello rinascimentale. Secondo gli storici dell’arte più accreditati, come il Panazza e il Mazzini[9], sia i profeti sia le sibille fluttuano in un sottofondo di paesaggi panoramici dove minuziosamente si riportano dei particolari ambientali, fatto che li conduce ad attribuire all’ignoto pittore i probabili nomi di Paolo da Cailina o di Paolo da Brescia. Se invece tali affreschi si confrontano con quelli prossimi al territorio dove sorge la chiesa di santo Stefano, cioè con gli affreschi del convento dell’Annunciata del monte Orfano, i quali sono datati al 1480-1485, spunta il nome di Liberale da Verona, che proprio in quegli anni lavorava a Rovato per decorare la chiesa dei frati Serviti[10].

Gli affreschi più antichi[11] presenti in santo Stefano sono quelli della navata centrale, collocati in controfacciata e lungo le pareti degli arconi che dividono la chiesa. Un san Martino a cavallo ed un san Biagio risalgono quasi sicuramente al XIV secolo, mentre l’affresco con la Madonna del latte, pur risentendo del clima stilistico del trecento, può essere fatto risalire agli inizi del secolo successivo. Tardogotici sono pure la Crocifissione e la Madonna con bambino sulla parete meridionale dell'arcone che fa angolo con la controfacciata.
In ogni caso, si può tranquillamente sostenere che la maggioranza degli affreschi presenti in santo Stefano, sia nella navata meridionale che nella controfacciata, sono databili alla seconda metà del quattrocento.

LE TEMATICHE DEI GRAFITTI

1. INVOCAZIONE DI PROSPERITA E BUONA SORTE

La maggior parte degli affreschi di santo Stefano presenta dei graffiti che, a giudicare dalla traccia lasciata, sono stati eseguiti con punta metallica di chiodi o coltellini da potatura. I graffiti riportano dei nomi di famiglie locali accompagnati sovente da date che però non siamo in grado di stabilire se siano riferiti al giorno del decesso della persona, ad una guarigione o ad una nascita. Numerosi sono i simboli, quali: croci, scale, chiavi, il sacro cuore di Gesù, stelle di Salomone (sono per la precisione due, una grande e una più piccola) e un curioso intreccio riconducibile ad uno pseudo - nodo di Salomone[12].
Quest’ultimo si trova a ridosso di alcune dediche e mantiene una struttura da nodo senza esserlo tuttavia effettivamente, dal momento che l’intreccio non si completa. Quale potrebbe essere il significato ad esso attribuito e la ragione che giustifica la sua presenza in una zona dove non è consueto trovare questo simbolo? Al momento attuale della ricerca possiamo soltanto segnalare che esso ha come unico riscontro un vero nodo di Salomone scolpito sulla facciata laterale interna alla base del portale di una casa[13] del centro storico di Rovato [Fig. 2], all’interno delle mura dell’antico castello. Il portale, plasmato in morbida pietra di Sarnico (arenaria), è di colore grigio chiaro cenere. Sulla facciata esterna, sono scolpite due diverse piante attorcigliate lungo le colonne che terminano in un rosone a petali regolari tondi. L’analisi dell’impianto delle foglie rimanda rispettivamente alle piante di vite e di edera sempre verdi, simboli di rinascita e della vita.

Lo pseudo-nodo di Salomone[14] è collocato su una figura di santo vescovo (così identificabile dal pastorale che termina con una testa di drago), che si trova sul pilastro che sottende il grande arco della navata meridionale. Si tratta in questo caso di una figura devozionale non meglio identificabile, dove troviamo inserita all’altezza del mantello anche una specie di dedica: «Paiton Antoni 1461 VIG. pastor». Tale scritta è rafforzata da due stelle di Salomone poste pochi centimetri più in basso, che a nostro avviso sono contemporanee alla dedica. È da sottolineare che nei registri del consiglio del comune di Brescia appare in questa epoca un Antonio Paitoni nella veste di rappresentante della comunità cittadina[15] e la sua presenza a Rovato è forse da mettere in relazione con qualche missione politica presso il consiglio di questo comune.
Particolare interesse destano, senza possibilità di ulteriori approfondimenti, la dedica parzialmente decifrabile che rimanda a un Jacobus r[i]gina, in bella calligrafia rinascimentale, con lettere quadrate che denotano l’influenza dei caratteri a stampa, e l’accostamento fra la raffigurazione di un sacro cuore disegnato con pastello di color ocra e un graffito che rappresenta le chiavi di san Pietro capovolte (cfr. Parte II del ns. articolo), presenti entrambi nella medesima nicchia. Il resto delle scritte qui conservate consiste di nomi contemporanei come «Barbara», «Loredana», «Alberto» et alii, da soli o inseriti all’interno di cuori trafitti, che sono il prodotto dell’emulazione vandalica della passata devozione popolare.

2. L’ESORCISMO ANTIEBRAICO

Come risulta dall’analisi fatta in santo Stefano, la maggior parte dei graffiti si trova nella navata meridionale della chiesa, dove il ciclo agiografico degli affreschi è incentrato attorno all’immagine del presunto martire Simonino da Trento [Fig. 3], la cui storia, anche se ben nota, è qui opportuno riassumere per sommi capi[16].
Cronologicamente l’origine del culto di Simonino da Trento si colloca verso la fine del XV secolo, a seguito dei fatti accaduti in Trento nell’imminenza della Pasqua del 1475, per l’esattezza nei giorni tra il 23 e il 25 marzo di quell’anno. La scomparsa di un bambino cristiano di soli 29 mesi crea nei cittadini di Trento allarme e sospetti nei confronti della locale comunità ebraica. Il caso, o chi per esso, vuole che il cadavere del bambino sia rinvenuto proprio nelle acque della roggia che scorre poco distante dalle abitazioni degli ebrei. Di fronte al referto autoptico, che parla di strangolamento e di torture, le indagini che vengono svolte dall’autorità giudiziaria fanno così cadere la responsabilità dell’omicidio su questi ultimi, rinfocolando per la circostanza l’antica accusa di omicidio rituale.
A posteriori di questa incredibile vicenda è tuttavia possibile scorgere la mano di una regia occulta, che agisce in nome di vasti ed articolati interessi. Indicativo della vicenda che si svolge a Trento e delle questioni che si giocano su di essa è ad esempio il coinvolgimento di due bresciani: Giovanni de Salis, che a Trento ricopre la carica di podestà, e Giovanni Mattia Tiberino (o meglio Tabarino), il medico che esegue l’autopsia del cadavere di Simonino, il cui referto sarà decisivo per l’incriminazione degli ebrei.
Umanista e cultore di belle lettere, il Tiberino si preoccupa, a processo appena iniziato, di diffondere uno scritto in forma di epistola, la Passio Beati Simonis Pueri Tridentini, che rivolge ai conterranei di Brescia per ammonirli nei confronti dell’insidia rappresentata dagli ebrei in seno alla cristianità. Bisogna osservare che a ridosso del 1475 a Brescia e in diverse località del suo contado erano venute a scadenza le condotte decennali per il prestito ebraico, che il ceto mercantile avversava[17]. E’ facile intuire da ciò che la campagna propagandistica contro gli ebrei, a partire dalla vicenda trentina, doveva assumere i connotati di un’offensiva contro i banchieri ebrei. Per contrastare questo disegno, si mobilitano sia il governo della Serenissima che la stessa Santa Sede. L’allora pontefice Sisto IV emette bolle “contra pingentes et habentes puerum Simonem in dominibus suis” e per indagare sul corretto svolgimento del processo di Trento manda nella città un proprio commissario. Sottoposto qui ad ogni tipo di pressioni e di intimidazioni, quest’ultimo si convince dell’innocenza degli ebrei, individuando in Angelino Roper e Giovanni Schwezer, entrambi cristiani, i probabili assassini di Simonino.

Nell’affresco presente a Rovato[18] il fanciullo viene raffigurato come martire che patisce a testimonianza della crudeltà degli ebrei contro i cristiani. Il dipinto di Rovato risale al 1478, come diversi altri presenti tra la Valle Camonica, il Sebino e la Franciacorta (cfr. in Santa Maria a Lovernato di Ospitaletto; in San Giorgio a Niardo; in Santa Maria in Silvis a Pisogne; in San Pietro in Lamosa a Provaglio d’Iseo).
A questa data, giunge a termine anche la revisione del processo voluta dalla Santa Sede, che riteneva gli ebrei non responsabili dell’omicidio. Di fronte ad una “giustizia” che già aveva fatto il proprio corso, mandando a morte gli imputati, il Pontefice, costretto dalle circostanze, emana una bolla nella quale si sosteneva che il processo dal punto di vista formale si era svolto “rite e recte”. A contestarne l’esito, egli ribadisce però la proibizione di onorare Simonino come martire e beato.
Dal contenuto di una ducale del governo veneto del novembre 1475, e mai revocata, che vietava di “penzere in carte in muro né altramente” l’immagine di Simonino, sotto pena di venticinque pianete di multa[19], si può osservare come l’affresco di Rovato sia stato fatto abusivamente, come i molti altri realizzati nel bresciano tra il 1475 e il 1478.

Il Simonino di santo Stefano intende esprimere in chiave simbolica quali sono le conseguenze dell’usura praticata dagli ebrei. Ciò trova riscontro in una serie di citazioni: il coltello circoncisorio nella mano del beato, simbolo della perduta virilità, le gocce di sangue che cadono dalle sue ferite, che indicano il dissanguamento operato dall’usura ebraica a danno dei cristiani, ed il manto della preghiera ebraico (il tallet), sospeso come cappio al soffitto per indicare lo strozzinaggio così perpetrato. Sull’affresco è riportata la data di commissione o di esecuzione del dipinto: il 21 agosto del 1478. Questa data è molto significativa perché coincide con la massima incidenza della peste del «mazzucco», che miete tra le venticinque e le trentamila vittime su una popolazione che contava a Brescia e nel contado circa duecentomila abitanti[20]. In occasione di questa epidemia si avrà la massiccia diffusione del culto di san Rocco[21], ma in casi non rari si riscontra anche la diffusione di rappresentazioni del Simonino in un contesto che richiama molto probabilmente delle forme di esorcismo contro la peste.
Nel caso del Simonino di Rovato, la peste e l’usura costituiscono le facce della stessa medaglia. Infatti, all’epoca, si riteneva che il dilagare dell’epidemia fosse l’effetto peccaminoso della pratica del prestito su interesse. A rafforzare tale considerazione possiamo citare uno dei sermoni di san Bernardino da Feltre, durante il quaresimale di Pavia, che richiama a sua volta una predica di san Bernardino da Siena del 1444: «Dic de Santo Bernardino, qui existens Vicentine, 1444, erat magna pestis et dixit: State: super clericam meam, deponite usuras, et cessabit pestis; et ita factum est, usque 1488. Tunc unus posuit fora banchum ad usuras, et esce pestis, et nunquam potuti cessare, nec votis, nec orationibus, nec aliquo modo... Cessaverunt facere usura et cessavit pestis, et fecerunt Montem [...]»[22].

Ciò che colpisce nel Simonino di santo Stefano è l’assenza dei suoi genitali, pesantemente cancellati per effetto della progressiva asportazione del colore, operata da una punta metallica che ha prodotto il graffito-fregio. Il fatto di cancellare i genitali del beato (comune anche ad altri affreschi) non è da considerarsi qui un atto blasfemo, ma probabilmente un gesto legato a una funzione superstizioso - apotropaica per la cura di malattie varie[23] o in particolar modo della peste. Questa interpretazione ci viene suggerita anche dal fatto che sull’affresco di Simonino troviamo delle scritte atte a chiedere per mezzo della potenza del sangue versato dal piccolo martire l’intercessione per la cura di diverse patologie. Si legge appunto ai suoi piedi una scritta di colore ocra che recita: «virga manu sanas sangui [...]», mentre delle grosse gocce graffite che scendono dal pube del beato servono infine ad enfatizzare l’atto di evirazione [Fig. 4].

CONCLUSIONE

Nella chiesa di santo Stefano, il carattere votivo devozionale dei dipinti è palese in numerose rappresentazioni, assumendo altresì la funzione di pratica superstiziosa attraverso il gran numero di graffiti e iscrizioni che vi fanno da corredo. Per quanto riguarda questi ultimi abbiamo teso a mettere soprattutto in evidenza il significato apotropaico da essi rivestito, in quanto nella chiesa da noi studiata si prestano principalmente a svolgere tale compito. Rimane tuttavia da accertare se anche in altre chiese della zona i graffiti incisi sugli affreschi conservino l’attitudine espressiva di una religiosità popolare che affonda le proprie radici nel mondo delle superstizioni arcaiche. Ci proponiamo di vedere assolto in seguito e in modo più esauriente questo compito attraverso l’ulteriore indagine che estenderemo all’analisi dei graffiti e degli affreschi presenti anche nella chiesa dei santi Pietro e Paolo del contiguo territorio di Coccaglio (BS).

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COCCHETTI C. 1858, Storia di Brescia e della sua provincia, Bornato.
DONNI G. 1983, La chiesa di S. Rocco in Rovato, Rovato.
ECKERT W.P. 1965, Il beato Simonino negli atti del processo di Ttrento contro gli ebrei, «Studi Trentini di Scienze Storiche», XLIV, pp. 193- 221.
FAPPANI A. 1994, Paitoni de Paitonibus, in Enciclopedia Bresciana, XI, Brescia, pp. 331.
FAPPANI A., DONNI G. 1999, Rovato, in Enciclopedia Bresciana, XV, Brescia, pp. 313-353.
FERRI PICCALUGA G. 1989, Ebrei nell’iconografia lombarda del quattrocento, in Il confine del Nord: microstoria in Vallecamonica per una storia d’Europa, Boario Terme, pp. 305-334.
GAZZARA I. 1998-99, La chiesa di santo Stefano a Rovato e la sua decorazione pittorica tra XV e XVI secolo, Brescia [tesi di laurea in Lettere e filosofia, Università cattolica del Sacro Cuore].
GUERRINI P. 1911, S. Carlo Borromeo in Rovato nell’ottobre dell’anno 1580, «Brixia Sacra», II, pp. 341- 350.
GUERRINI P. 1957, Una storia da scrivere, Alle origini di Rovato, «Pagine Sparse», vol. IX, Brescia, pp. 874-876.
GUERRINI S. 1993, Di alcuni cicli pittorici rinascimentali in Franciacorta, in AA. VV. Cultura arte e artisti in Franciacorta, Atti del Convegnodella seconda biennale di Franciacorta (14 settembre 1991), Brescia.
MASSETTI G. 1993, Ebrei nel tardo medioevo a Brescia e provincia: l’origine del culto di Simonino da Trento nel santuario rovatese di S. Stefano e le citazioni antisemite negli affreschi dell’abside, «La Pagina», Biblioteca Comunale di Rovato, pp. 9-12.
MASSETTI G. 1995, Antisemitismo e presenza ebraica a Brescia nel quattrocento, «Studi Trentini di Scienze Storiche», LXXIV (2), pp. 125-178.
MAZZINI F. 1965, Affreschi lombardi del Quattrocento, Milano.
MENESTRINA G.1903, Gli ebrei a Trento, «Tridentum», a. VI, Trento.
PANAZZA G. 1963, L’architettura romanica, in Storia di Brescia, I, Brescia, pp. 713-771.
QUAGLIONI D., ESPOSITO A. 1990 (a cura di), Processi contro gli ebrei di Trento, i processi del 1475, Padova.
RACHELI A. 1894, Rovato: memorie storiche, Rovato.
RIGAUX D. 1987, Antijudaïsme par l’image: l’iconographie de Simon de Trente dans la région de Brescia, in Politique et religion dans le judaïsme ancien et médiéval, Paris, pp. 309-318.
RIGAUX D. 1996, Réflexions sur les usages apotropaïques de l'image peinte : autour de quelques peintures murales novaraises du Quattrocento, in L'image : fonctions et usages des images dans l'Occident médiéval; actes du 6e "International Workshop on Medieval Societies", Centre Ettore Majorana (Erice, Sicile, 17 - 23 octobre 1992) / sous la dir. de Jérôme Baschet et Jean-Claude Schmitt, Paris (1996).
SANSONI U. 1998, Il nodo di Salomone: simbolo e archetipo d’alleanza, Milano.
TESSADRI E. 1974, L’arpa di David, Milano.
TURCHINI, DONNI, ARCHETTI 2004 (a cura di), Visita apostolica e decreti di Carlo Borromeo alla diocesi di Brescia, vol. III Sebino Franciacorta e Bassa occidentale, Brescia.

FOTOGRAFIE

[Fig. 1]: S. Stefano, Rovato (Bs). XI-XII sec. d.C.

Veduta dell’ingresso principale. © Foto: Dimitriadis-Massetti.

[Fig. 2]: Nodo di Salomone. Casa Bortolo Brunello, Rovato (Bs) [cfr. Barbieri R., Bianchini I. (a cura di) 2002, Le carte catastali del Fondo Peroni: 1716-1780, Rovato (Cd-Rom)]. La sua collocazione sull’uscio del portale esalta la sua caratteristica da sigillo di protezione. © Foto: Dimitriadis-Massetti.

[Fig. 3]: S. Stefano, Rovato (Bs). Affresco policromo del santo pesantemente grafitto da punta metallica. © Foto: Dimitriadis-Massetti.

[Fig. 4]: S. Stefano, Rovato (Bs). Particolare affresco. Si legge: “1478 21 agusto Beat Simon”. In colore ocra è stata aggiunta in corsivo la richiesta di guarigione: “Virga manu sanas sanguine”. © Foto: Dimitriadis-Massetti.

NOTE

[1]COCCHETTI 1858; CANTÙ 1858; RACHELI 1894; AA.VV. 1998; FAPPANI, DONNI 1999.
[2] AA. VV. 1998.
[3] Ci atteniamo per la descrizione della chiesa e le trasformazioni architettoniche da essa subite nel corso del tempo a GAZZARA 1998-99.
[4] Cfr. a titolo informativo: COCCHETTI 1858; CANTÙ 1858; RACHELI 1894; GUERRINI 1957; FAPPANI, DONNI 1999.
[5] «Paitoni, de Paitonibus: antica famiglia bresciana presente come “capitanei de Paitono” ossia vassalli o feudatari del Monastero benedettino di S. Pietro in Monte Orsino e della Pieve di Nuvolento. Dalla famiglia il paese di Paitone ereditò nel 1311 lo stemma rappresentato da uno scudo con tre mezze lune d’argento due sopra e una sotto. Nel secolo XIV i Paitoni vennero a Nave. Nell’Estimo Generale della città di Brescia per l’anno 1430, figurano “Joannes et fratres de Paitonibus”, e nel Libro delle Custodie Cittadine del 1438, un Antonius de Paitonibus, il cui nipote e omonimo sedeva già in Consiglio prima della “serrata” del 1488. Lo stemma della famiglia è lo stesso del paese: “D’azzurro, a tre crescenti d’argento volti a destra”. Come ha rilevato Fausto Lechi “la famiglia dei Paitoni è una delle poche che in Brescia portano il nome di un paese della zona orientale della provincia a differenza della maggioranza delle famiglie (in genere i valvassori) che derivano il cognome da paesi della pianura e ancor più della zona occidentale”» in FAPPANI 1994.
[6] Dall’indagine archivistica risulta che già nel 1334 la chiesa pagava un tributo di 9 fiorini d’oro alla Santa Sede.
[7] Cfr. GUERRINI 1911. Il cardinale Borromeo ricordava nella sua visita che l’oratorio di santo Stefano «Est satis amplum et decens. Altaria tria habet. In eo celebratur diebus festis sancti Stephani et santi Laurentii et Omnium Sanctorum.» in TURCHINI, DONNI, ARCHETTI 2004.
[8] Cfr. BERTONI 1988.
[9] PANAZZA 1963; MAZZINI 1965.
[10] GUERRINI S. 1993.
[11] Ci atteniamo per queste datazioni a GAZZARRA 1998-1999.
[12] Per un excursus tematico intorno al nodo di Salomone ed ai suoi possibili significati rimandiamo a SANSONI 1998.
[13] Da ricerche condotte nel Fondo Peroni, presso l’Archivio Comunale di Rovato, nell’anno 1780 la casa risulta essere di proprietà di un certo Bortolo Brunello.
[14] Invece, un vero e proprio nodo di Salomone graffito lo abbiamo individuato anche in una chiesa del Sebino occidentale. Per la precisione nella chiesa della SS. Trinità di Parzanica (Bg) si rinviene un nodo di Salomone la cui esecuzione potrebbe risalire al 1100 d.C. in quanto accanto al nodo si legge l’acronimo AS f MC [annos factum 1100]. Da segnalare che nella stessa area Sebina si riscontrano scolpiti o graffiti più nodi di Salomone [N.d.a. Bellissimi nodi a stella adornano l’aureola della Madonna dipinta sulla parete sud del Monastero cluniacense di san Pietro in Lamosa a Provaglio d’Iseo (Bs)].
[15] Cfr. FAPPANI 1994.
[16] La bibliografia sulla vicenda è sterminata. Ci limitiamo a segnalare MENESTRINA1903; ECKERT 1965; TESSADRI 1974; QUAGLIONI, ESPOSITO 1990.
[17] Cfr. MASSETTI 1995.
[18] RIGAUX1987; FERRI PICCALUGA 1989; MASSETTI 1993, 1995.
[19] Archivio di Stato di Brescia, Curia Pretoria, Atti dei Rettori, f. 47.
[20] L’epidemia di peste del “mazzucco” è in realtà riconducibile a una delle prime infezioni di tifo sul continente europeo. Cfr. ALBINI 1982.
[21] Cfr. DONNI 1983.
[22] BERNARDINO DA FELTRE 1964.
[23] RIGAUX 1996.

XXII VALCAMONICA SYMPOSIUM 2007

Preliminary report: An Ethnological flashback on Horse-rider cult in open air sanctuaries in Eastern Macedonia, Greece.

George Dimitriadis
HERAC, Philippi-Greece, mailto:g.dimitriadis@herac.gr

George Iliades,
IPT-UTAD, Portugal, gsiliadis@yahoo.gr

Abstract. As demonstrate during the financed research projects (DRP, 1998-2000 and HRAD, 2004-2006) the rock engravings in the region of Philippi were probably carved by the Hedones, a Thracian tribe that occupied the lands stretching between the Strymon and Nestos rivers and from Mt. Pangaion to the Rodopi mountain chain. The archaeological evidence suggests a dynamic culture and religious transformation process of an organized society in transition between Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. Both archaeological expeditions were organized in an interdisciplinary research platform including not only rock art documentation but also landscape survey, ethnological investigation, pollen and vessel analysis. Special pilot projects are still going on focusing the attention to special petroglyphs as the horse-rider figure which emerging as a standard regional feature and presented in all the open air sanctuaries of Eastern Macedonia. A typological schedule is made and an ethnological comparison research is in progress. The present paper presenting the preliminary state of the research.
Keywords: Eastern Macedonia, ethnology, horse-rider, open air sanctuaries, rock art.

Ground.

The rock art of Philippi was studied and presented to scholars in several single signed papers [Dimitriadis 1999b, 2000c, 2001c, 2004p, 2004g, 2005m, 2006n, 2006o]. Most of them were basically a state of the research overview [Dimitriadis 1997, 1999a, 2004m, 2004o] and the rest explain the documentation, preservation and restoration action as well as the museum culture dissemination strategies undertaken the last years [Dimitriadis 2000d, 2004p, 2006n, 2006o]. The present paper establish the turn point of the future research program where thematic and interdisciplinary approaches are applied.

1. Introduction: DPR (1998-2000) & HRAD (2004-2006) Conclusions [1]

The fieldwork Phase I (DRP) was undertaken over three years (1998-2000), focussing on the areas of Prophet Elias and Mana. A survey of the area was carried out to record essential environmental data and signs of ancient anthropic activity. Gallery mines, for the extraction of iron mineral, were in use until the eighteenth century, and were probably already in use in antiquity. Surface cleaning was conducted using the ‘neutral method’ [Anati 1977] and the state of conservation of the engraved rocks determined. The engravings have been recorded by frottage technique (the pronounced roughness of the surfaces has caused unsatisfactory results) and tracing on PVC standard sheets (90 x 1.20cm). The engraving techniques are recognised as ‘hard pecking’ at Prophet Elias and ‘filiforme’ at Mana. A preliminary conclusions were publish in Bulletin Centro Camuno Studi Preistorici (BCSP: 31/32).

The next step, Phase II (HRAD), was tried to verify the hypothesis proposed by Dimitriadis (1999) concerning the possibility that the Prophet Elias area was an open-air sanctuary of the Hedones has been tested. Exposing more of the known engraved rocks and completing the tracing of all the carved rocks on sheets has revealed more carvings. Such conclusions are going to implement Phase I risk and hazardous study published in ARKEOS: 16.

1.1 New Discoveries

Prophet Elias area: During the thorough cleaning and stratigraphic exploration of area B1, a pit-hole full of darkish terrain was excavated. In the laboratory Carmelo Prestipino (IISL) has determined the presence of charcoal in the terrain. Fragments of dark and red coarse ceramic vessels have been dated to the Late Bronze Age after optical examination by Andrea Vianello (Oxford University). These conclusions agree with the evaluation of the rock art style examined by George Dimitriadis (HERAC). Fernando Coimbra (UAL) has discovered a new carving, labelled the Philippi Horse [Figure 1]. It is a small horse, in naturalistic style, found during the opening of a new sector of rock at Philippi/Prophet Helias Φ/B.2, and studied by George Dimitriadis. The mounted figures are also being studied by George Iliades (UTAD).

Three new rocks in locality Mana (Μάνα Φ/B.2, B.3, B.4-Eiv) have been discovered after Mr Stelios Foustopoulos recognised engravings on a rock. Mana is located in a strategic position along old mountain passages that connect the small valley of Mesorema to the Plain of Philippi. The geomorphology of rock Μάνα Φ/B.1 is under study by Daniela Cardoso (Museum Martins Sarmento-Portugal) so as to establish the future conservation work required. The Μάνα Φ/B.1 panel contains quartzite inclusions, with clear signs of its removal around them. Rocks Μάνα Φ/B.2, B.3 and B.4 have only been partly unearthed and sheet-tracing is therefore still on-going. The geomorphology of the rocky surfaces is quite different from the Prophet Elias area, and composed of grey marble and gneiss inclusions.

During the 2006 fieldwork season Andrea Vianello and Davide Delfino (IISL) attempted a photogrammetric and GIS survey of the rocks. GIS software packages were also used. A fixed frame (0.60 x 0.80m) was used as reference as it proved impossible to use specialist equipment because of the uneven nature of the terrain. Particular care was taken to maintain the carvings under adequate natural light; the photographs were therefore taken in batches over a period of seven days. The resulting photographs will require substantial post-processing, and are intended to become in their own right a research tool and aids to experimentation and further study of the carvings in their original context.

1.1. Open Questions

With the conclusion of HRAD (2004-2006) mission different questions were blow up. We should mention the most critic one: 1. Become more pressing to apply a deeper geomorphological analysis in the area. The presence of quartzite inclusions in the rocky surfaces of Philippi/Mana R.1 (Φ/Μάνα B.1) and their strictly link with filiform scraps made by metallic pointer could be an intriguing emerging scenario [cf. Figure 2]. Besides, the evidences of a pit hole, including remains of burned clay, nearby Philippi/Prophet Helias R.1 (Φ/Πρ.Ηλίας B.1) support our theory [Dimitriadis et alii. 2007]. 2. The discover of new rocky surfaces along seasonal paths which links low fields with up lands and the hill picks enlarge our capacity to collect the “identity” of the landscape [Figure 3]. 3. the presence of a new naturalistic horse figure on Philippi/Prophet Helias R.2, external panel (Φ/Πρ.Ηλίας B.2 εξωτερικός τομέας) enrich thematic variants and complicate temporal frame [Figure 4].

2. A Concise History of Ethnoarchaeology in Greece

In Greece the first ethnographic attempt was undertaken by Casson (1938) in order to reconstruct the modern commercial web in Aegean Sea. Studying the commercial status in Greece during the first decade of the XX century and comparing it with the EBA and Classic times he concludes that the differences are still minimum. To support his thesis present as justification the itinerant vessels merchant system established in Cyprus, Chalkida, Same, Skyros, Corfù and Chanak-Kale. During 70s Matson (1972) propose an historical approach in vessels craft productions in a small group of villages: Vounaria, Komvi and Petriade in Peloponnesus in Southern Greece. In the specific he studied the traditional handmade vase techniques and compare them with the unearth pottery collected during the archaeological excavations in the area. Unfortunately in spite of his good proposals he couldn’t be able to give a synthesis of the research.

The approach of Warren in 1978 was adherent to formalism: it presented the resemblance between "pilgrim flasks", in order that him reports, that is manufactured in the Thrakapso and certain similar Cretan vessels that are dated in copper age. This comparative method, particularly promoted also from the Greek experts, does not prove cultural continuity, after such simple forms are found and in other cultures. "Pilgrim flasks" they are also manufactured by artisans of Dierba in Northern Africa [Betancourt 1984]. More recently, ethnographic descriptions of M. Vojatzoglou and X. Blitzer (1984) with regard to the ceramic production in the Thrapsano and the Kentri of Crete respectively, were used by the Betancourt for the interpretation of Minoan ceramics. Economic, social and professional status of the artisan could be expressed in any moment of his production. Betancourt, however, recognizes that dangers included in ethno archaeology behaviour and he stress to study the technological aspect of ceramic production in order to obtain solid conclusions for the past.

The work of X. Blitzer (1990) for the pastoral life in the mountains of Crete is important as for that it does not deal only with the production of ceramics, but tries him it adapts in the environment that functions. It deals with functional, economic and negative behaviour of ceramics in the present extensively, and in him it possesses it tries him it applies in the past. By this way it put ceramics in their real dimension: do not constitute simply the products of concrete laboratory with concrete decoration, or still the containers of trade of big scale, but are anymore used daily by persons with a concrete way that deserves it is studied and that can for us provide precious information on the archaeological interpretation. Moreover, it was moved in a direction that she allowed avoiding the study of ceramic (but also the society, as direct consequence) as something static and immutable during the time. It re-defined historical parallels with regard to the production and the trade of messinian ceramics, underlining the faculty of change but simultaneous continuity in the ceramic deliveries of region. Such methodology helps him to exceeded a methodological error that is inherent in the ceramic studies on Greece, or takes place from Greek or international experts: the present is connected directly with the classic antiquity, forgetting the existence of Byzantine empire or Ottoman possession in between.

Besides the London (1991) in her study on the Cypriot ceramics follows an environmental directed method. It locates what sources of clay, in combination with the techniques of manufacture, they can they decide if a concrete ceramic category had one or a lot of points of production, and give information concerning the economic relations (trade). An other sector that is profited by ethnographic study is the one that concerns the system of classification. In the same study London showed that the knowledge of ceramic technology that is based on ethnographic study can help archaeologists to categorize the ceramics without adopt evaluative positions, after entire vessels or even splinters can present correlations between artefacts and persons.

3. Study Case: Horsemen rock art figure at Philippi.

A preliminary attempt to study horsemen figure was undertaken with the conclusion of Phase I which partial target was to classify such figures and establish an hypothetical stylistic timeline evolution. [cf. Table I]. Single figures (circa 33) were count and statistic evaluations made: horsemen account just 11 per cent (11.15%). If the quantity data are too low how can we discuss it in an qualitative perspective? How adherent are such data with the preliminary hypothesis?
Few open question was host during Phase II correlated by landscape survey and ethnological data collected in the area [cf. Chapter 3.1.]. The horse rider figure becoming dominant as dominant was the fever for metals: the unearth power is equal to the horse rider heroic figure in an open air landscape modelled since the first attestation of the metallurgy in the area (c. 4th millennium BP; Sherratt 1986: 435-437] and the culture atmosphere enlarged up to Afghanistan uplands [Doumas 1994: 29) which is the principal metal provider (block tin and lapis lazuli) for the North Aegean area [Pernicka et alii 1990: 290].

3.1. Brief exposition of ethno-archaeological material*

According to the Greek mythology, the eighth command that gave Eurystheas to Hercules was to bring him lively the horses of Diomides. Diomides was son of Mars and Kyrinis and reigned in a wild and warrior population called Vistones living in Thrace. The Vistones lived round a lake that had taken their name by the Vistonice Lake. Diomides had four irrationally strangely female horses, been famous for their ferocity: Podagros, Shining, Blond and Terrible. These horses ate hay and grass only those human fleshes. When foreigners reached in the kingdom of Diomides, this one killed them and threw their pieces in the cupreous crib of horses. Also his servants were victim of his ferocity when he wanted to punishes them. The fable informs us that the ferocity of horses was emanated from the water that drinks from Kossinity River that was poured Vistonice Lake. Hercules accomplished it seizes the horses and kills Diomides. However, as price of this his energy, it lost his good friend and hero Avdiro, which was eaten by the horses. To perpetuate Avdiros memory Hercules found the Thracian ancient city of Avdira.
Similar fable with wild horses, we meet also in an other Thracian race called Hedones, race that lived from the estuaries of Strimonas until the valley of Nestos. Lykourgos, the king of Hedones opposed in the adoration of Dionysus, attacked in the Vakhes of his sequence and up to that threatened the life of himself god. Dionysus in order to revenges him led in it loses his reasons and himself his child, believing that he prunes a vine. Then Hedones tied him up above in their mountain Panghaio, where eaten by wild horses.

The description of horses and their placement in the regions where delimitated geographically around Thrace region is significant. Outstanding of frames of fabulous time and place, “Horse” figure were imported in Thrace between 8th-7th century b. C. probably from the Siberian steppes [Powel 1971] as an early use of horse in fight actions.

In the Byzantine years the iconographic nomenclature of Thracian horseman engages Christian characteristics. The most frequent pattern is horseman/snake (=dragon)/tree carrying out an underworld symbolism [Figure 5]. Indeed, Thracian horsemen identified during the time with Saint George and such combination perpetuates in all Balkan area. Characteristic is the example that presented in Saint George open air church in Zabernovo of Bulgaria where residents identify column with the Thrace-Horseman as representation of Saint George [Figure 6] which is reported as “saint warrior” in the intellectual army of Christ [Walter 1987]. Similar reports we meet also in the village Agathoupoli of Eastern Thrace.

References

Collart, P.
1932.”Philippes, Ville de Macedoine”. E. DE Boccard, Paris

Dimitriadis G.,
1997 L’arte rupestre ellenica: nuove prospettive, Valcamonica Symposium, Iseo, Italy.
1999a. L’arte rupestre ellenica: nuove prospettive, BCSP, 31-32.
1999b. Alla periferia della grecità: l’arte rupestre degli Edoni Traci, Valcamonica Symposium,
Darfo-Boario Terme, Italy.
2000c. The Rock Art of Hedones in “The Rock Art on Philippi’s hills”, Philippi.
2000d. Ecomuseum of Rock Art: A reality to support, AURA Congress, Camberra, Australia.
2001c. Arte Rupestre Mediterranéo: el ejemplo del arte rupestre helénico, BARA, Spain.
2004m. Arte Rupestre Ellenica: Novità e Confronti. Approfondimenti nel Centro e NordEst dell’Egeo attraverso l’archeologia cognitiva, XXVII Valcamonica Symposium, Darfo-Boario Terme, Italy.
2004o. Prima della Grecia classica. L’arte rupestre della Penisola Ellenica, CeSMAP Metting, Pinerolo, Italy.
2004p. Rock Art Ecomuseum of Philippi. A Night Lighting Application Proposal (co-author Iliades Y.), CeSMAP Meeting, Pinerolo, Italy.
2005g. Small Greek Caravels on the rocks. An Unknown Sail History in the Mediterranean Sea, 9th HIPNT Congress, Cyprus.
2005m. Hellenic Rock Art. Cupmarks Configurations and Patterns, IV Annual Schematic Rock Art Workshop, Saviore dell’Adamello-Valcamonica, Italy.
2006n. (in press). Planning an open air rock art museum. The case of Philippi, Grecce. Proceedings of the XV UISPP Congress, Workshop 19.

Dimitriadis, G. et alii.
2006o. (in press), (co-authors Coimbra F., Prestipino C., Mailland I.). Philippi Rock Art. Guidelines for a Methodological Recovery and Preventive Action Proceedings of the XV UISPP Congress, Colloquium WS20.
2007. Post-Palaeolithic engravings at Philippi in eastern Macedonia, Greece: rock art in the land of the Hedones. In "Antiquity" 81 (311), March 2007.

Doumas, Ch. 1994. Η πυροτεχνολογία στη Λήμνο της Πρώϊμης Εποχής του Χαλκού. “Αρχαιολογία” 50: 28-30.

Kallintzis, K.
2003 “Thracian Kings from Strymonas to Ismaros”Peri Thrakis vol. 3 p. 42-65. Cultural and Development Center of Thrace, Xanthi

Kakridis, I.
“Hellenic Mythology Vol. 3 The Heroes. Ekdotiki Athinon A.E. Athens

Koukouli-Xrysanthakaki X., Malamidou, D.
1989. “The Sanctuary of Hero Auloneites on Mt. Pangaion. To Arxaiologiko Ergo stin Makedonia kai Thraki, vol. 3 p.553-564. Ministry of Macedonia and Thrace, Ministry of Culture, Thessaloniki

Kourtidis, K.
1932. “History of Thrace, From The Antiquity Till 46 AD”. Aleuropoulos, Athens

Lazaridis, D.
1973. “Philippi-Roman Settlement”. Athens Center Of Ekistics. Athens

Pernicka, E. et alii, 1990. On the Composition and Provenance of Metal Artefacts from Poliochni on Lemnos. OxfJA 9, 3: 263-298.

Sherratt, A.G. 1986. The Pottery of Phasese IV and V: The Early Bronze Age. In. Renfrew, C. et alii (Eds). Excavations at Sitagroi. A Prehistoric Village in Northeastern Greece. Monumenta Archaeologica 13,1: 429-476, Los angeles, University of California.

Tsohos, C.
2003. “The Religious Topography of Philippi In The Second And Third Centuries”. To Arxaiologiko Ergo stin Makedonia Kai Thraki vol. 17 p.71-85. Ministry Of Culture, Aristotle University Of Thessaloniki. Thessaloniki

Walter, C.
1987 “The Thracian Horseman: Ancestor of The Warriors Saints”. First International Symposium for Thracian Studies. Komotini, May 28th-31st 1987


[1] Full draft is hosted in http://www.antiquity.ac.uk/ProjGall/311.html
*Schedule prepared by George Iliades.

CAPTIONS

Figure 1: πρ. Ηλίας Φ/Β.2-Εiv, Philippi. Tracing of Philippi’s naturalistic “Horse”. Tracing G. Dimitriadis. © HERAC.

Figure 2: Μάνα Φ/Β.1-Εiv, Philippi. Geomorphological view of the rocky surface. A quartzite inclusion and striations can be notice. Photo: G. Dimitriadis © HERAC.

Figure 3: Μάνα Φ-Εiv, Philippi. Environment paramount view of the “Mesorema” valley. Photo: G. Dimitriadis © HERAC.

Figure 4: πρ. Ηλίας Φ/Β.2-Εiv, Philippi. A Hedones weapon collection. Photo: G. Dimitriadis © HERAC.

Figure 5: Mt. Panghaion, Greece. Thracian “Horse Hero” statue stelae. Note the snake twisted on the tree trunk. Photo: G. Iliades.

Figure 6: Mosaic Icon. Saint George. Constantinople, early 14th Century, miniature mosaic, (gold- and silver-plated rods, marble, and glass chips embedded in wax and mastic) on wood panel, copper frame (modern), 8 5/8 inches in diameter. © Musée du Louvre, Paris.

Table I: Horse-rider typological & date preliminary schedule. The sample is coming from the sites: 1. πρ. Ηλίας Φ-Eiv, Philippi; 2. Μάνα Φ-Eiv, Philippi. © G. Dimitriadis.